“What Have You Done for Me Lately?”
Rabbi Yaakov Bieler
Parshat BeShalach, 5764
At the beginning of Parshat BeShalach, the Jewish people leaving Egypt are described as (Shemot 13:18) “Chamushim”. A number of interpretations are offered by classical biblical commentators to clarify the implications of this uncommon adjective. The explanations range from understanding the word to connote “loaded down with wealth”—the result of the Jews asking for Egypt’s precious things prior to their departure (1) (an alternate possibility cited by Ibn Ezra) to “highhandedly”, i.e., with their heads held high, in contrast to how we would have expected newly freed slaves to conduct themselves (a secondary interpretation offered by RaMBaN.) Several of the commentaries understandably focus upon the apparent root of the word, “Chamesh” (five) in order to formulate their approaches. Targum Yonatan suggests that each adult was accompanied by FIVE children, an interpretation that parallels commentaries on 1:7. (2) Ba’al HaTurim invokes Yechezkel 39:9 in which FIVE different types of implements of war are listed, to posit that the Jews left Egypt armed and ready for battle. (3)
But in my opinion, the most interesting understanding of the word is the view that first appears in the Midrash Halacha, Mechilta, and is then cited by the likes of RaShI (4) and Rabbeinu Bahchaye, i.e., that either only one FIFTH, one FIFTIETH, or most amazingly, one FIVE HUNDRETH of the Jews residing in exile actually left Egypt when the time came to depart. The original size of the Jewish people consequently becomes appropriate multiples of the number 603,550 (BaMidbar 1:46), the sum of the Jewish men, excluding the tribe of Levi, above the age of twenty (5) –3,017,750, 30,177,500, or 301,775,000. A parallel Midrashic tradition, found in Shemot Rabba 14:3 assumes that those who refused to leave, died during the plague of darkness, so that their absence would not be noticed by the Egyptians, who would assume that the missing individuals left with their co-religionists once permission was granted by Pharoah.
Accepting the approach that assumes that only a relatively small portion of the Jews eligible to leave Egypt actually did so, however, makes even more difficult the understanding of what takes place subsequently in Parshat BeShalach. If those who chose to leave self-selected, and were presumably the more strongly committed to God and Jewish identity and heritage, how can we account for the interminable complaining and repeated expressed desire to return to Egypt and resume the servitude from which they had been so recently freed?
There are five clear-cut confrontations between Moshe and the people in the Parsha. a) Immediately after they leave
HaEmek Davar on 17:7 articulates the problem in the following manner: How can the Jews consider this question after all they had experienced and seen, including the miracles of the plagues, (6) the pillars of cloud during the day and fire at night that indicated where they were to travel, (7) the splitting of the Sea, (8) the sweetening of the waters of Mara, (9) the Manna, (10) and the extraction of water from a rock, (11)? The Tora even goes so far as to state (14:31), “VaYa’aminu BaShem U’BeMoshe Avdo” (and they believed in HaShem and in Moshe, His Servant). Either they did or they didn’t!
Additionally, from a literary perspective, it is interesting to note that this last complaint, concerning God’s Immediate Presence among the Jews, as opposed to the other grievances cited above, is not presented as a direct quote of what people say to Moshe, comprising part of the narrative of the story, but rather as an after-the-fact justification for why the location where the event took place was named “Massa U’Meriva” (the test and the disputation)—“’Massa’ as a result of their testing HaShem saying, ‘Is God in our midst…?’” A close reading of the text would therefore raise the question whether the people actually articulated these specific words challenging HaShgacha Pratit (Particular Supervision by God of individual events, i.e., did He Know, let alone Care that they were experiencing a water shortage), or was this sentiment something implied by all of their complaining and second guessing Moshe, but never actually said in so many words?
Ta’am VaDaat notes that the theological challenge expressed in 17:7 was not unique to “
HaEmek Davar, in his commentary on VaEtchanan, supplies an additional degree of subtlety to the people’s test of God at Massa U’Meriva that goes beyond Ta’am VaDa’at’s approach. He suggests that the people weren’t even thirsty when they made their demand that water be supernaturally produced for them. They just wanted to see if God Would Grant their desire. While even when an individual is in need, a demand that that need be met immediately could be considered a test of the entity to whom the appeal is being made, the testing aspect of the encounter is somewhat softened by the real and perhaps even desperate plight of the supplicant, who is experiencing paralyzing fear and concern for his/her long-term survival. But when the request is arbitrary, without any immediate purpose or benefit, then all that is involved is assigning a task to another in order to ascertain his/her capabilities and overall responsiveness, in this case a test of God, pure and simple.
It is natural to wonder whether God Is Listening and Interested in Responding, particularly during the period of Hester Panim (the hiding of the Face, i.e. when miracles that take place are hidden rather than overt). But for people, who just experienced the obvious interventions by God in their personal lives to question His Concern and Benevolent Approach to them, was considered unacceptable, catalyzing the subsequent attack of Amalek (see RaShI on 17:8). Perhaps this is one of the reasons why we are so often adjured in the Tora (14) as well as in our liturgy to remember the Exodus, not just intellectually, but rather to imagine that we too were actually redeemed from Egypt. (15) God’s repeated Interventions on behalf of His People when they were in dire straits during that period of Jewish history, is meant to serve as a touchstone for all generations that He Cares, He Hears, He Responds, and we therefore should engage in whole-hearted Avodat HaShem (service of God), devoid of subjecting Him to a series of loyalty tests. We must remember that we always have more to prove than He ever Does.
Shabbat Shalom, and may we take to heart Antignos, Ish Socho’s principle of conducting ourselves as servants who serve out of love, rather than as a result of fear, or personal gain.
(1) See 11:2 and 12:35.
(2) See e.g., RaShI, Daa’t Zekeinim, and Ba’al HaTurim.
(3) Rabbeinu Bachaye poses the following problem with regard to this interpretation: If God was going to protect the Jews and help them escape from Egypt, what need did they have for weaponry? He explains that while Divine Miracles will be performed on behalf of the Jews—e.g., in the case of the war with Amalek in 17:11, the Jews’ success or failure was dependent upon Moshe raising his arms and the soldiers’ being inspired by his directing them to think of God’s Assistance—nevertheless they have to act as if they are truly at war. The principle is that while God is Prepared to perform miracles, He Wishes that they come about via natural rather than supernatural contexts. Requiring the Jews to be armed parallels God’s Causing a wind to blow prior to the descent of the locusts upon Egypt (10:13, 19), as well as the splitting of the sea (14:21), miraculous events that did not require such a natural phenomenon, unless one assumes that God prefers miracles that are at least somewhat subject to natural explanation as opposed to those that are clearly supernatural.
(4) The fact that RaShI devotes the majority of his commentary to the idea that the word “Chamushim” is a reference to the Jews having armed themselves before leaving Egypt, as opposed to the percentage of Jews that actually left, and the virtual non-reference by most of the Biblical commentators to this latter idea, suggests that such an approach is to be grouped with Derash (homiletic interpretation) rather than Peshat (interpretation that is highly attuned to the straightforward meaning of the text.)
(5) It is reasonable to assume that the tribe of Levi in its entirety left Egypt, as opposed to members of the other tribes. Just as the Levi’im are the source of the Jewish leaders Moshe, Aharon and Miriam, and they were involved neither in the sin of the Golden Calf (32:26-29) nor in the sin of the spies (BaMidbar 13:4-15—the tribe of Levi is not represented amongst the spies, implying that they were opposed to participating in this activity—their commitment to following God’s Will appears to have existed prior to God’s Choosing them to serve as the source of His Priestly Class (Shemot 28:1) and those that would be involved in the care and upkeep of first the Tabernacle and then the Temples (BaMidbar 3:45). Korach, the leader of a rebellion against Moshe (16:1 ff.), stems from Levi, but he would appear to be the exception rather than the rule with regard to Levitic loyalty to God and the Jewish people.
(6) Shemot 7:14-12:22.
(7) e.g., 13:22.
(8) 14:21.
(9) 15:22-25.
(10) 16:2 ff.
(11) 17:1-7.
(12) This is the appellation given by ChaZaL to those who left Egypt, but who for the most part died during the course of the forty years of wandering, never to actually enter the land of Israel, due to the decree following the sin of the spies (BaMidbar 14:29).
(13) Commentators struggle with explaining how Yaakov’s presentation to God following his dream at the beginning of Parshat VaYetze (Beraishit 28:20-22), is not an example of this objectionable form of testing the Divine.
(14) e.g., Shemot 20:2; 13:14, 16; Devarim 7:18; 9:7.
(15) Mishna Pesachim 10:5 “In every generation, an individual is obligated to see himself as if he left Egypt, as it is written (Shemot 13: 8) ‘And you shall tell your child in that day saying: For the sake of this did HaShem do this for me when I left Egypt.’”