Forcing an
Entire City to Engage in Introspection
R. Yaakov
Bieler
Parashat
Shoftim, 5765
At the end of Parshat
Shoftim (Devarim 21:1-9), we encounter the curious and mysterious ritual of
“Egla Arufa” (lit. broken-necked calf). The procedure is required when
the body of a murder victim is discovered in an unpopulated area within the
land of Israel. The closest Jewish city is
notified and its inhabitants perform a ceremony that culminates in a prayer for
HaShem to Grant atonement for the crime that has taken place so close to their
homes. Some of the components of the ceremony seem to have purely symbolic
value, e.g., the killing of a calf that has never been used for any type of
work upon a site has never been cultivated, and would therefore appear to
qualify as “Chukim” (lit. statutes), laws whose meanings are obscure to
the human mind.[1]
However, one aspect of the ritual
is very comprehensible, and probably quite disconcerting for the city’s
leadership. By means of both body language as well as the spoken word, the
leaders of the community are commanded to declare their innocence
of any wrongdoing in connection to the murdered individual’s
demise.
Devarim
21:6-7
And all of the elders of that city
closest to the lifeless body will wash their hands[2]
over the broken-necked calf in the valley.
And they will recite and say: Our
hands did not spill this blood and our eyes did not see.
The Tora-mandated public
declaration by these leading personalities of the city, suggesting that some
degree of suspicion regarding their complicity in the murder has to be
unambiguously refuted, inspires the Mishna (paraphrased by RaShI in his
interpretation to Devarim 21:7) to rhetorically ask a pointed question, and then
answer its own query with an intriguing hypothesis.
Sota 9:6
…Does it ever occur to us that the
elders of the local court are murderers?
But rather (they are declaring)
that we were never approached by this individual and we never deliberately sent
him away without food;
we never saw him setting out on a
journey and are to be blamed for allowing him to travel without a protective
entourage…
The Mishna interprets the elders’
verbal formula associated with “Egla Arufa” as suggesting that rather than
focusing upon the murder itself from which the elders hopefully should be able
to easily disassociate themselves, reflecting upon and reenacting the series
of events that possibly led up to the actual crime is of importance to us
all, and that the responsibility for this chain of unfortunate
circumstances might have to be laid at the feet of the city’s leadership,
however distinguished their reputations. Every grouping of human beings, large
and small, contains within it, on the one hand, individuals who are vulnerable
and needy, and on the other those who are predatory and predisposed to violence.
When the paths of members of these two groups cross under extenuating
circumstances, e.g., when food is scarce and extreme poverty is wide-spread, the
Tora suggests that blame for violence cannot be confined to the immediate
perpetrator of a crime, but rather has to be shared by those mandated to create
and enforce a spirit of cooperation, mutual respect and safety within their
municipality’s precincts. The implication of the elders’ declaration in the
ritual of “Egla Arufa” is that the repair of manifestations of the
fraying of the social fabric is the primary responsibility of the
political, judicial, military and executive branches of
government.
The Babylonian and Jerusalem
Talmuds disagree regarding the identity of the individual about
whom the elders are declaring their freedom from blame. Bavli Sota
45b-46a understands that the elders are referring to the murder
victim whom they claim they did not know either lacked food or had felt
compelled to travel alone on dangerous roads. Much more intriguingly, the Talmud
Yerushalmi takes a different perspective, shifting the focus from the
social services offered by the society, to its justice system.
Yerushalmi Sota
9:6
The Rabbis from here
(Israel—Jerusalem Talmud) explain the
verse in terms of the murderer, while the Rabbis from there
(Bavel—Babylonian Talmud) interpret the verse in terms of the murder victim.
The Rabbis from here explain the
verse in terms of the murderer: he did not come into our hands and we freed him
(without subjecting him to punishment). We did not see him committing the crime,
and failed to bring him to justice.[3]
While the Rabbis of the two
Talmudical traditions disagree regarding how to understand the focus of the
elders’ declaration, from the perspective of considering societal needs, both
perspectives are important to consider. Individuals reduced to
desperate circumstances in order to be able to survive will feel compelled to
engage in risk-taking that can sometimes prove fatal, while unrepentant
criminals who are allowed to continue to wreak havoc with impunity will
similarly erode the quality of life within the community. R. David Tzvi
Hoffmann[4]
suggests that the difference in opinion between the Yerushalmi and Bavli
revolves around whether a “Beit Din” (Jewish court)’s failure to convict a
criminal who subsequently murders someone is tantamount to the judges themselves
being guilty or at least accused of spilling blood—according to the Rabbis of
Israel “yes”,[5]
and the Rabbis of Bavel “no”.[6]
The tension that is created by recognizing the need to bring evil-doers to
justice in order to protect future potential victims, and yet worrying that
perhaps an error might be made and an innocent person will be convicted of a
crime that s/he did not commit, is reflected in the following Mishnaic debate:
Sanhedrin
1:10
…A Sanhedrin that executes a
single person over the course of a seven year period is declared a violent
court.
R. Elazar ben Azarya says: A
single person over the course of seventy years.
R. Tarfon and R. Akiva say: If we
would be seated on a Sanhedrin, no one would ever be executed.[7]
R. Shimon ben Gamliel says: They
(R. Tarfon and R. Akiva) will also thereby multiply the murderers among the
Jewish people.
R. S.R. Hirsch (Devarim 21:7) offers a different
perspective as to why he prefers the explanation of the Talmud Bavli over that
of the Yerushalmi, based upon contrasting a number of different scenarios that
could account for how and why the murder victim met his end:
…The words of the text, “Our hands
did not spill the blood…” seem to indicate that it refers to clearing themselves
from any blame in participation in bringing about the deed, rather than from
their having been forgetful of their duty and showing leniency to the murderer
after the deed was done (see fn. 3). If we consider further…that the whole “Egla
Arufa” institution applies only to cases where the victim has been left lying in
the open as if in mocking defiance of the public officials, then there could
really only be one case where such scorn could possibly be deserved, and that
would be if the officials of the town had really sent a hungry traveling
stranger away without giving him any food, and his hunger had driven him to try
highway robbery in the course of which the man attacked had killed him in
self-defense; a case in which the slayer would be entirely guiltless, the slain
one have at least some excuse, and the real blameworthy ones would be the
officials of the city who had failed to exercise the Jewish communal duty
towards the needs of the slain man. This same eventuality could also refer to
the slayer (as the authorities in the Yerushalmi would say), i.e., that the
neglect of their duty on the part of the town officials had left him in such
dire need that he had to resort to highway robbery and killed the victim of his
attack. But the Babylonian Gemora could prefer to take the case primarily to
refer to the slain man because then there would be the possibility of complete
blamelessness in the actual deed, and also the Babylonian explanation seems more
feasible as it puts the allowing to depart without food as the explanation for
“Our hands did not spill” accordingly as a possibility of actual participation
in the causation of the crime, and not, as the Yerushalmi does, as the
explanation of “Our eyes did not see”.
Whereas Mishna Sota understands
the confession of the Kohanim and the elders as implying at least the
possibility of indirect guilt in the death of the individual whose body has been
discovered, Ibn Ezra uncharacteristically[8]
proposes a metaphysical approach to the situation that precipitates the “Egla
Arufa” ritual by suggesting that nothing at all directly associated with the
particular murder in question might have actually taken place in the city whose
leaders are now required to profess their innocence.
Ibn Ezra on Devarim
21:7
And it is possible that God
Commanded that these actions be performed in the closest city (to the discovered
dead body), since had the inhabitants (of that city) not violated a similar
transgression (to the sin of murder), it would not have happened that an
individual would have been murdered in their proximity. And the Thoughts of
HaShem are deep and ethereal without measure viewed from our human perspectives.
It appears that for Ibn Ezra, the
assumption that a Jewish city’s leadership could be implicated in any
way—directly or indirectly—in the murder of an average non-descript individual
is completely preposterous. However that fact does not preclude the engagement
in behaviors by the residents of the city in question that are in need of
correction. Ibn Ezra insists that the conduct which has attracted God’s
Attention at worst merely parallels in some way the crime of murder and while
such actions are duly grievous, they do not necessarily involve any aspect of
the criminal taking of life.
Ibn Ezra’s approach to identifying
what precipitated the murder that then requires the performance of the “Egla
Arufa” ritual, calls to mind the theological explanation associated with the
concept of “Rotzeach BeShogeig” (the inadvertent murderer) and God’s
Orchestrating[9]
his/her need to spend time in an “Ihr Miklat” (city of refuge). RaShI presents
this very type of theological scenario for “Rotzeach BeShogeig” in a well-known
commentary on a verse in Shemot.
Shemot
21:13
And if he did not lie in ambush,
and God Made him (the victim) fall into his (the inadvertent murderer’s) hands,
and I will Give you a place that he can flee there.
RaShI
What is the circumstance being
discussed by the verse? Two individuals, one who had murdered someone
inadvertently and another who had murdered deliberately. In both instances there
were no witnesses to attest to what had taken place. This one was not executed,
and this one was not exiled (to a city of refuge). And the Holy One Blessed be
He Orchestrates events so that these two individuals find themselves in the same
inn, the one who had previously killed with premeditation sits at the foot of a
ladder, and the one who had killed inadvertently climbs up the ladder, and
accidentally falls on the one who killed deliberately and kills him, before
witnesses who testify against him and he is sentenced to exile. Consequently,
the one who originally should have been exiled is exiled, while the one who
should have been executed is killed.
Extending the context of the
aforementioned RaShI to the case of “Egla Arufa” according to Ibn Ezra, one
could suggest that while there may not have been specific errors or
insensitivities with respect to the particular murder that is now being dealt
with, there may have been other murders which could be attributed to judicial
incompetence and/or a lack of concern for the poor and oppressed. In order to
finally sensitize the entire city to these long-standing flaws in the
municipality’s social makeup, a dramatic event such as the “Egla Arufa” ritual
will ideally lead to reflection upon everyone’s part in order to assure that
similar regrettable incidents will happen with far less frequency, if at all.
However, it is possible that
according to Ibn Ezra, the need for “Egla Arufa” may have nothing at all to do
with previous murders. Another
comment by RaShI implies that an action, or lack thereof, that
unfortunately leads to another’s death may have nothing to do with previous
murders that have gone unsolved and unpunished.
Devarim
22:8
When you build a new house and you
make a fence for your roof, and you will not place blood in your house, “Ki
Yipol HaNofeil Mimenu” (lest the faller falls from it).
RaShI
(Addressing the implications of
the word “HaNofeil” [the faller]—how can such a person be referred to as a
“faller” if s/he has as yet not fallen, RaShI writes:) This individual is
predestined to fall (to his/her death). Nevertheless, do not allow his/her death
to be associated with you, since meritorious actions are connected to those who
are worthy, while negative actions are connected to those who have acted
improperly in the past.
Once it is assumed, as apparently
does Ibn Ezra, that there is some sort of “cause-and-effect” relationship
between the discovery of a dead body resulting in “Egla Arufa” on the one hand,
and preexisting negative behavior to which in God’s “Opinion” insufficient
attention has been paid by the city’s leadership on the other, it would seem to
be of great importance to identify exactly what type(s) of conduct are in need of rectification. If a
“Mida KeNeged Mida” (one attribute in direct correspondence with another)
relationship is at work, and a city’s inhabitants are being reminded by means of
a murder and its ensuing public ritual, that the murder rate in their community
is unacceptable, at least the social problem in need of being addressed has been
clearly identified, and hopefully people will attempt to find ways of improving
the situation. However, if the relationship between “Egla Arufa” and a society’s
shortcomings is no more than conveying to the city that there is something
wrong, but it remains patently unclear what the problem may be, one could
imagine one of two extreme reactions: 1) the citizenry decides to engage in a
general reconsideration and overhaul all of the city’s values, institutions and
interpersonal interactions,[10]
or 2) due to how elusive and unspecific the indictment of the behavior of the
city seems to be, nothing will end up being done.[11]
An additional difficulty with Ibn Ezra’s approach would appear to be is how is
it to be determined whether the offending behavior has been corrected? Would
unidentified bodies continue turning up near the city in question until changes
had been made?[12]
Would “Egla Arufa” take place only when the shortcoming in need of improvement
was so glaring that it left nothing to the imagination, and everyone would
immediately recognize what had to be done?
Finally, since “Egla Arufa” is no
longer practiced today (see. fn. 12 for a discussion of the primary source
describing why it was discontinued), a homiletic interpretation presented by
Chizkuni and Da’at Zekeinim MiBa’alei HaTosafot takes on more than passing
interest.
Chizkuni, Da’at Zekeinim on
Devarim 21:7
“Our hands did not ‘Shafchu’
(spill)”—the word pronounced “Shafchu” is written: “Shin” “Phey” “Chaf”
“Heh” (instead of the more appropriate “Vav”), as if it is to be
pronounced “Shafcha”, making this a case of “Ktiv VeKeri” (lit. writing and
reading, i.e., where the pronunciation and the spelling of a particular word are
at odds with one another; such inconsistencies are invariably the subject of
homiletical and sometimes even Halachic interpretations by the
Rabbis.)
It is written with a “Heh”, to
teach that the “Ba’al HaBayit” (householder) is obligated to extend to his guest
five (the numerical value of the letter “Heh”) things: 1) food, 2) drink, 3)
accompaniment on his journeys, 4) a place to sleep, and 5) a gift, whether large
or small…
Perhaps even during the period
when “Egla Arufa” was carried out, it was too easy for the average inhabitant of
a city to conclude that it is only the leadership, the elders, who are
responsible to see to the needs of the poor. The interpretation of the “Heh” in
“Shafchu” not only equates the average “Ba’al HaBayit” with the elder of the
city, it further implies that his/her home is tantamount to a city, and the
guest that he welcomes into it are comparable to those in need within a large
metropolis. Refusing to receive a guest, or not offering generous and
appropriate hospitality to one’s guest during the time that s/he is visiting
your home, is viewed as a serious shortcoming, and potentially will require a
public accounting should something untoward happen to one’s guest. It would seem
that just as Sanhedrin 71a states with regard to “Ben Sorer U’Moreh” (the
stubborn and rebellious son), “Ihr HaNidachat” (lit. a city that has been pushed
aside, i.e., a locale where at least 51% of the population has engaged in
idolatry, causing a decree to be issued that the entire city including its
inhabitants are to be destroyed), and “Beit HaMenuga” (a house that has
developed the spiritual fungus “Tzora’at”), that even if these situations never
practically took place, “Derosh VeKabel Sechar” (interpret and explore
these topics and it will prove rewarding), the same is true of a Mitzva that is
no longer carried out such as “Egla Arufa”. In the case of the latter in light
of Chizkuni’s and Da’at Zekeinim’s interpretation, we are enjoined to treat all
guests with a high level of concern and respect. Rather than viewing the virtue
of “Hachnasat Orchim” (bringing guests in) as a favor that we are extending to
those we invite, we should perceive it as a great responsibility, that must be
carried out as carefully as any other Mitzva, and for which we ultimately will
have to give an accounting.
Shabbat Shalom, and may we aspire
to communities and families that do not allow those in need, be they our family
members, co-religionists, neighbors, fellow-citizens, members of humanity to
fall by the wayside, particularly in their times of extreme need.
[1] RaMBaM in Guide for the Perplexed,
III:40, suggests an extremely logical rationale for “Egla
Arufa”:
It is the city that is closest to
the slain person that brings the calf, and in most cases the murderer comes from
that place…As a rule the investigation, the procession of the elders, the
measuring, and the taking of the calf make people talk about it, and by making
the event public, the murderer may be found out, and he who knows of him, or has
heard of him, or has discovered him by any clue, will now name the person who is
the murderer, and as soon as a man,
or even a woman or handmaiden rises up and names a certain person as having
committed the murder, the calf is not killed. It is well-known that it is
considered great guilt and wickedness on the part of a person who knows the
murderer, and is silent about him while the elders call upon God as witness that
they know nothing about the murderer. Even a woman will, therefore, communicate
whatever knowledge she has of him. When the murderer is discovered, the benefit
of the law is apparent…Force is added to the law by the rule that the place in
which the neck of the calf is broken is never to be cultivated or sown. The
owner of the land will therefore use all means in his power to search and to
find the murderer, in order that the calf be not killed and the land be not made
useless to him.
RaMBaN on Devarim
21:7 opines that
breaking the calf’s neck is not a “pleasing act” and he quibbles with regard to
the choice of land when he states
that there would be in his opinion greater incentive for the land owner to find
the perpetrator of the crime if the piece of land utilized for the site of the
killing of the calf had been cultivated productively in the past and therefore
the implications of its loss were already objectively apparent, as opposed to
land whose fertility was still in question, and which people might think was
chosen because there was no other use for it. But these do not appear to be
objections that dismiss RaMBaM’s approach out of hand. If there is a caveat to RaMBaM’s
explanation for “Egla Arufa”, it would be that since the Guide for the Perplexed
clearly contains apologetics aimed at those who are skeptical about the laws of
Judaism, is RaMBaM’s interpretation what he himself truly believes about this
practice, or are his speculations intended exclusively for popular consumption
by those in need of convincing concerning Judaism’s veracity and
relevance.
Two passages in the Talmud explain
the symbolism of “Egla Arufa” in accordance with the two possible
interpretations of 21:7 that are discussed below in this essay, i.e., are the
elders protesting their innocence with regard to how they treated the victim of
the crime, or its perpetrator?:
Sota 46a (cited by RaShI on Devarim
21:4)
Why does the Tora say “Bring a calf that has as yet not provided useful work to a place that has not been productive?” Said the Holy One, Blessed be He: An animal that has not yet been productive should come to place that has not yet been productive, and to atone for one who has been robbed of the possibility of becoming productive by doing good deeds. I.e., the ritual focuses upon the victim.
Sanhedrin
52b
All shedders of blood are compared
to the “Egla Arufa”. Just as it is killed by the sword and at the neck, so are
those to be killed by the sword and at the neck. I.e., the ritual
focuses upon the
criminal.
R. S.R. Hirsch on Devarim
21:8 attempts to
reconcile these two Talmudic sources:
If atonement is made for one who
has been bereft of his future, such atonement lies not so much in realizing what
he has done to his fellow man, but in realizing that at the same moment that he
robbed his victim of his future, he robs himself of any claim to that of which
he has bereft the other. He who bereaves a man of his earthly future, for him
himself there is no earthly future anymore, and even if he does not fall into
the hands of human retributory justice, God Brings about that which the arm of
human justice had not been able to accomplish. Without a future he finds his end
on soil without a future…This is similar to the words spoken to the first
murderer (Kayin) in Beraishit 4:12 “When you till the ground, it will no longer
yield to you its strength; unsettled and friendless shall you be on the
earth.
[2]One of the most memorable literary
presentations of the association between hand-washing and attempting to assuage
guilt, is in Shakespeare’s Macbeth, Act II Scene 2.
What
hands are here? Ha! They pluck out mine eyes.
Will all great Neptune's ocean wash this
blood
Clean
from my hand? No, this my hand will rather
The
multitudinous seas in incarnadine,
Making
the green one red.
Re-enter LADY
MACBETH
My hands are of your
color; but I shame
To
wear a heart so white.
I hear a
knocking
At the
south entry: retire we to our chamber;
A little water
clears us of this deed:
How easy is it,
then!
[3] The Yerushalmi’s interpretation of
the declaration of the elders is ambiguous regarding the crime to which they are
referring: Are they denying that the murderer had been in their custody as a
result of some previous crime, and their failure to either imprison or
punish him gave him the opportunity to carry out the present atrocity, or are
they stating that they have not improperly freed the perpetrator after
ascertaining that he was responsible for the present murder under
investigation. One problem with the first view would be whether the “slippery
slope” concept should be applied in this connection. Must we assume that failure
to bring a criminal to justice for one thing that he did will inevitably result
in another crime? Is it not possible for the individual to repent and decide not
to pursue any further a life of criminality? R. S.R. Hirsch on Devarim 21:7
assumes the latter position, i.e., the elders had had in custody the murderer of
the person whose body was discovered in the field. But this view would seem to
be logically difficult. Once the
victim is dead, why would freeing the murderer be tantamount to spilling blood?
The blood of the murdered individual has been irrevocably spilled; the only
question remaining is the manner in which the criminal should be brought to
justice, and ultimately whether his own blood deserves to be comparably spilled
for what he has done.
[4] Sefer Devarim, Netzach, Tel Aviv, 5721, pp. 409-11.
[5] Since they may have been derelict
in their responsibility to remand and punish the individual who then proceeds to
murder someone, they are to be viewed as accomplices to the crime.
[6] One crime cannot be linked to the
other, but each must be viewed independently. Consequently, just because someone
is not convicted for an earlier infraction, cannot be cited as a direct cause to
what s/he may do subsequently. However, if the leaders of the society failed to
provide food and support to a poor individual to the point where s/he either had
to become a thief him/herself—the explanation of some commentators as to how the
individual was killed, i.e., during the course of trying to rob someone, the
potential victim resisted and killed his attacker—or wander about on unsafe
roads, thereby exposing him/herself to the attacks of other criminals, they
would then be considered “shedders of blood”. A Mishnaic support to the latter
concept would be suggested by the following Mishna and its commentary:
Peah 8:7
…A town’s charity collection is
collected by two individuals and distributed by three.
RaMBaM, RA”V, Tosafot Yom
Tov
Three are needed for distribution,
because this constitutes a Beit Din (a Jewish court), and money matters
must be adjudicated by three.
The assumption that Tzedaka
distribution is tantamount to a legal proceeding, where accurate and responsible
decisions must be made in fairness and by taking into considerations all of the
variables that apply to each individual case, suggests that improper charity
distribution impugns not only a society’s social services, but even its justice
system.
[7] The manner by which judges can
control the outcomes of trials by means of their own predilections was by
permitting them to choose the nature of some of the questions that they would
pose to witnesses (See Sanhedrin 5:1). Aside from the basic questions of time
and place that all witnesses are required to answer in order that their
testimony be considered at all admissible (since all witnesses have to make
themselves subject to a possible counterclaim by others that they may have been
“Eidim Zomemim” [lit. plotting witnesses—see Devarim 19:16-21] different
location at the time when they claim to have seen the crime, and therefore they
could not possibly have observed first-hand what they are reporting), the judges
are given the prerogative to ask as many or as few questions about the
additional details regarding the events that they claim ot have witnessed.
Obviously the more questions posed and the degree of detail requested, would
make the witnesses who are interviewed separately, more likely to contradict one
another’s account and thereby be dismissed.
Therefore R. Tarfon
and R. Akiva would carry out their judicial activism by asking questions of the
witnesses in a capital trial to the point where no witness would be able to
stand up to their cross-examination.
[8] Throughout his Tora commentary, Ibn
Ezra eschews interpretations that he deems “Midrashic” and prefers approaches
that are closer to the literal meaning of the biblical text. He was so committed
to such an approach, that he even studied with Karaites, whom he believed would
resist being influenced by homiletical interpretations as a result of their
rejection of the Rabbinic Oral Tradition. Consequently, for Ibn Ezra in this
case to contend that the appearance of the dead body in proximity to a
particular city was due to God’s Desire for the inhabitants of this city to
engage in some form of soul-searching is somewhat out of
character.
[9] Variables that come into play include: a) which city is closest and therefore the most likely for him to find refuge within it, with the recognition that the qualities of each of the 48 cities of the Levi’im had unique qualities and therefore would constitute a different exile experience for the inadvertent murderer; and b) the length of the sitting Kohen Gadol’s life at the time that the accidental murder takes place, since the length of the “sentence” in the “Ihr Miklat” (city of refuge) is a function of when the current High Priest will die.
[10] In the case of Ninveh, to which the prophet Yona was sent to threaten them with doom unless they repented, it would appear that a comprehensive repentance movement resulted from the prophet’s warning (Yona 3:5-10).
[11] It is obvious that most of the
prophets who warned the people of Israel of the consequences of their
specific iniquities were completely ignored. So what is the likelihood that,
according to Ibn Ezra, the
much more ambiguous general indictment of a city’s values and culture
represented by “Egla Arufa” will be taken seriously by the people of the city
which must carry out the ritual, and lead to substantive
action?
[12] In II Shmuel 21:1 ff. a
drought of three years during David’s reign is described as leading him,
according to Yevamot 78b, ultimately to consult the “Urim VeTumim” (the Kohen
Gadol’s breastplate, whose precious jewels would light up, spelling out messages
from God—see http://kmsynagogue.org/Tzav1.html )
in order to discover what had to be done to alleviate the drought. Whereas an
absence of rain is an ongoing phenomenon and therefore would continue to spark
constant soul-searching, assuming that people took literally the threats of the
Tora, e.g., Devarim 11:17, “Egla Arufa” is a one-time event which does
not contain any type of mechanism that would allow for evaluation as to whether
the condition that precipitated the murder taking place near the city in
question has been resolved. A series of “Egla Arufa” incidents taking place
throughout Israel, let alone in the same locale,
would appear to be precluded by Sota 9:9, which states, “When murderers
multiplied, the ceremony of ‘Egla Arufa’ was discontinued.” Yeshayahu
Leibowitz (Sheva Shanim Shel Sichot Al Parshat HaShavua,
Chemed, Israel, 2000, p. 858) explains that once
the “shock value” of “Egla Arufa” is mitigated by frequent murders, there was no
longer any point in engaging in the proceeding. He notes that with the ubiquity
of murder as conveyed in the contemporary media desensitizing us all from being
appalled by such happenings, it allows us to hark back to an ancient time when
apparently murder took place so infrequently that “Egla Arufa” was an effective
means of atonement, reflection, and even, according to RaMBaM (see fn. 1)
bringing the murderer to
justice.